Vietnam and CPP are in the process of transforming the current cambodia as Prague Spring In 1968?

 

Children sit on motorbikes near armored personnel carriers parked in the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Aug. 8, 2013. AFP

In 1968, Czechoslovakia, part of the Soviet bloc in 1948, is entering a period of liberalization. The leader of the Czechoslovak Communist Party intends to give socialism "a human face". Abolish censorship, restore civil liberties ... This is the program of Alexander Dubcek enthusiastically taken up by students and intellectuals.

For socialism with a human face

Since the mid-1960s, students appear sporadically against censorship. Modest events however can give an impetus to the process of liberalization, called "Prague Spring", which begins in January 1968. Dubcek's reformist commitment is reflected in the population. Reflected in the "Manifesto of 2000 words", in June 1968, signed by 70 people who demand the liquidation of the old regime.

The Kremlin fears meanwhile the Czech adventure of "socialism with a human face" gives ideas to other democratic republics of the Soviet bloc. From July, Brezhnev requires the restoration of order and especially the abolition of political pluralism just restored. To show its determination and make an impression, it sends the troops of the Warsaw Pact during the night of August 20 to 21 in order to crush the Czechoslovak movement. Alexander Dubcek was arrested and transferred to Moscow.

Bloody repression 

The first day, people decided to peacefully resist the Soviet intervention. The events are numerous, especially in Prague. The demonstrators, mostly students, besiege tanks. The forces of the Warsaw Pact order to suppress dissent. Therefore, in a few days, clashes are a little more than a hundred dead and thousands injured across the country. In autumn, it is the workers who are mobilizing. However, the crackdown weaken the movement until its exhaustion in January 1969. Desperate, a student, Jan Palach set himself on fire January 16, 1969. Hundreds of thousands of people attend the funeral of the man who became the legendary figure of the student protests in Czechoslovakia.

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Villagers fear watchful eye

Residents of two Ratanakkiri villages have accused local authorities of monitoring their movements out of fear that they would travel to Phnom Penh to participate in pro-opposition demonstrations, rights group Adhoc said.
According to Adhoc provincial coordinator Chhay Thy, ethnic Jarai villagers in Andong Meas district’s Dal village and in O’Yadav district’s Lom village had reported that authorities in their areas were observing their activities, and had asked to inform them before leaving.
“The authorities are worried that the villagers, especially CNRP members and Christians, will go to Phnom Penh to protest,” he said.
A Dal village security guard had also threatened to shoot villagers over perceived ties to the opposition, Thy alleged.
Lom villager Romas Svat said five Christian youths had left the village for a camping trip in Preah Sihanouk province last week, prompting questions from authorities.
“Our authorities thought that the five youths went to Phnom Penh to protest, but … they went to go camping,” Svat said.
Lom village chief Sev Fin, however, rejected the allegations.
“Although the villagers want to attend the demonstrations, they do not have money to travel,” he said.
A group of 15 Christian teens who had asked him to sign a permission letter before they left for a meeting in Battambang did so on their own, he added.

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An NGO with suspect ties offers wide praise

The Cambodian Democratic Student Intellectual Federation, a self-described “non-governmental and politically impartial organisation”, has declared the elections an unqualified success.
“Having directly observed the electoral process in all 24 municipality [sic] and provinces, CDSIF … affirms that this general election was smoothly, properly, transparently, freely and fairly organised,” it said in a widely disseminated statement.
However, CDSIF – which was officially registered as an observer with the National Election Committee – is a self-professed member of the umbrella group Justice Eyes. In 2003, that group was implicated in a government plan to seed the field of monitors with pro-CPP lackeys whose express purpose was to undermine assessments by other observers deemed unfriendly to the government.
According to a set of handwritten notes taken by an attendee of a meeting at Hun Sen’s Takhmao residence and obtained by the Post in 2003, some 76 Justice Eyes NGOs were told by Prime Minister Hun Sen himself that “everyone needs to accept the results of the election”.
One source, who declined to be named for fear of being targeted, reported being told at the time by three different attendees that the CPP had said: “If we win by the law, then we win. If we lose by the law, we must still win.”
The NEC’s deputy director of the Legal Services and Dispute Department, Ker Rith, said yesterday that the election body hadn’t explored CDSIF’s affiliations, and went so far as to say that many biased groups had been registered as observers.
“We did not concentrate on whether this group of NGOs has any political affiliation with any party,” he said. “Based on my observation, there are many NGOs registered as observers but who have political ties with political parties.”
However, Koul Panha, executive director of the election watchdog Comfrel, said yesterday that such partiality was counter to the NEC’s own guidelines.
“According to the [NEC] code of conduct, they should be non-partisan, non-affiliated. But this was not implemented,” he said.

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Cambodia’s tipping point

Dear Editor,
Cambodia is undergoing a phenomenon, the beginning of “Cambodia flourishing”, if you will. Even amidst the high-tension political brinkmanship, Cambodia has reached the tipping point, that is slowly but surely ushering in the Cambodia Spring.
However, the season of spring flourishing must first be preceded by the season of discontent, the period we are in now.
Recently, I witnessed first-hand this season of flourishing when I rode in the back of the pick-up truck carrying Sam Rainsy from the airport to Democracy Square upon his return from exile on July 19, 2013, and again at Democracy Square the day he left for the United States for his daughter’s wedding on August 6, 2013.
On both occasions, crowds in the hundreds of thousands openly, fearlessly convulsed onto the truck and stage demanding change. Their passion, palpably pulsating and electrifying the Cambodian air, acts to diminish the prior existing fear.
This season of discontent will be here to stay for some time, snowballing into a monsoonal downpour of discontent, until there is a complete change of leadership. The people demand a surgical reformation in the formation of a government led by the CNRP’s Sam Rainsy, and not Band-Aid changes the CPP will need to and has started to undergo in the inserting of a newer crop of parliamentarian sons.
1. The voters who have no direct experience of the Khmer Rouge.
Three and a half million of the country’s 9.5 million registered voters are between the ages of 18 and 30. Of these 3.5 million young registered voters, 1.5 million, or 15 per cent, are first time voters. What do these numbers tell us?
One, these 3.5 million registered voters below the age of 30 are not directly traumatised by the Khmer Rouge. Moreover, many of them were children during the turbulent years of the 1990s, with some only coming of age in the last election five years ago.
They, unlike their elders, have not accumulated the fear and trauma of having lived through the Khmer Rouge and having witnessed election violence and murders confronting the voters in living colours of prior elections.
I returned to Cambodia in September 1995, less than two years after the United Nations-organised elections. I joined the campaign trails of the Khmer Nation Party in 1998, when travelling to each province took an average of a day through yawning gulfs of crater-sized potholes every few yards on the national roads and each village is its own remote, isolated universe.
In 2002 I traveled the provinces as an international consultant of the US International Republican Institute to train political party agents on the first commune elections, and once again joined the campaign trails of the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP, formerly the Khmer Nation Party, changed to keep the CPP from appropriating the name by splitting the party) for this commune election as well as the national elections the following year in 2003.
The roads were semi-improved, but each village was still its own remote, isolated universe.
Once again in 2007 and 2008, for the commune and national elections respectively, I joined SRP on the campaign trails.
In between these elections, I travelled to the provinces for my work, first in 1997 to each provincial prison to assess the state of juveniles detained in these prisons.
And since, I've travelled to each province on numerous occasions in my capacity as the head of the NGO Center for Social Development, known for its justice and reconciliation forums, and most recently as the founding president of CIVICUS Cambodia to conduct the Speak Truth To Power (or, in Khmer, Courage Without Borders) curriculum for teachers, monks and other educational and provincial leaders.
All to say, I have witnessed first-hand the conditions across Cambodia through these 18 years and have paid acute attention (for personal and professional reasons) to the voices and yearnings of the people in trying to understand for myself and for my work these seemingly intractable problems in search of solutions.
And one of my strong beliefs in light of what is happening now during this 2013 election season is this: We are witnessing a new phenomenon – the blooming of a Cambodia Spring, with angst of discontent as the inevitable precedent to the flourishing which will inevitably follow.
The manifestation and timing of it could not have been perceived till it is actually happening, as it is now.
But this phenomenon did not happen out of the blue, magically; it grew organically and was nurtured along the way.
It is part and parcel of all the educational efforts and advocacy and challenging of the status quo and the demanding of each dollar raised to the wage of workers and hotel staff, of each improper land concession.
Then we are given the tools of social media and smartphones and Unicode and English, etc, to set it off, fueled by the energy of the youth coming of age.
2. Social media + smartphones + Khmer Unicode + rising English usage.
The previous elections did not have a public venue where Cambodians, particularly young people, could exchange information and be part of something larger than themselves.
This public venue is closely connected to the growing comfort level and increasing number of Cambodians proficient in English, not only to be on Facebook, but also to have access to a broader array of information (which are mainly in English).
Even if English is the still the dominant language of social media, the comfort level and increased quality of the Khmer Unicode also facilitated the growing use of social media. As recently as five years ago (the last national elections), Cambodians were mired in the pictorial typing system symbolised by the Limon font.
Typing Khmer was basically inhibited to drawing a letter in order to compose each word. For anyone to access a Khmer-language document on the internet meant that that document had been uploaded as a JPG or a PDF.
All to say, as recently as five years ago, Cambodians could not search the internet in the Khmer language, nor write posts or comments on Facebook in the Khmer language, as the pictorial Limon typing system could not facilitate such endeavours.
A few years ago, the posts and comments on Facebook were written in broken English by the Facebook users; now the majority of posts by Khmer users are in the Khmer language.
The ease of language capability in both Khmer and English is greatly inter-linked with smartphones, which allow for instant, engaging sharing of images along with a narrative in the Khmer Unicode with an exponential multiplying impact.
We are right to worry about the vulgar, violent, crude or empty content and posts on social media, particularly on Facebook – from soft to hard pornography, from foodstuff to graphic traffic deaths of mangled bodies and bloodied, cracked skulls – that were initially sent en masse and continue to exist to a horrifying extent, despite social media’s attempts to curb such vulgarity, violence and lewdness.
And the fear of information overload is a real concern. However, in a place like Cambodia during this time, social media, as everyone has acknowledged, has been a major factor in ushering in the Cambodia Spring.
3. The Arab Spring and other mass protests around the world.
We are all copycats, particularly us Cambodians. We witnessed the mass protests elsewhere around the world and they capture our own imagination. It was only an issue of time; July 2013 gave us the opportunity to usher in our own Cambodia Spring.
4. Father-figure vacuum.
The massive outpouring during the passing of King Father Sihanouk Norodom took everyone by surprise, even if some of it was exaggerated high emotions. It brought to consciousness of both Cambodians and the Cambodia watchers of how much King Sihanouk’s rhetoric and treatment of Cambodians over the years as his “children” have shaped our identity as exactly that, oftentimes to our peril in stunting our social and political developmental maturity.
Hun Sen tried excruciatingly hard in filling that void by giving himself grandiose, lengthy titles and naming educational institutions after himself – but basically to no avail, as reflected by the humiliating rejection by the people of him during this July 2013 election.
I’ve stated oftentimes that Cambodia is a land of orphans – literal and emotional ones. We do have a high rate of individuals who do not have a mother, father or both. But even ones who do have a parent, the parent is not parenting, as they themselves are adult infants unconsciously grieving the loss of any parenting figure in their own lives.
Then came Sam Rainsy back from four years of self-imposed exile. Here is a father figure orphaned Cambodians could be proud of to have as their ideal father – intelligent, courageous, dignified, non-violent, nationalist.
Sam Rainsy returned on the heels of the passing of the King Father, who had left a father-figure vacuum. He naturally, unconsciously filled this vacuum in the psychology of needy Cambodians.
5. Tourism and urbanisation of garment workers from the provinces.
The exchange between Cambodians and tourists as well as between the urbanised garment workers with their provincial relatives over the years chipped away at the remote village-urban centre divide of information. The 600,000-strong garment workers have acted as the powerful links between the provinces and the urban centers.
6. Accumulation of human rights abuses.
Cambodia is a sea of human rights abuses. Everyone is impacted by at least one abuse or another. The accumulation of these rights abuses found expression, assisted by the other mentioned factors.
Moreover, the pervasiveness and prevalence of land concessions resulting in violent evictions touched directly most Cambodians, having had 73 per cent of arable land leased to foreign companies by the end of 2012.
On the one rights abuse of land issues alone, the impact was no longer one of hearsay, but each Cambodian knows personally or of a family or close friend who fell victim to the eviction.
7. The knowledge stored in the heart and mind now finds expression.
The other side of the coin of the accumulation of rights abuses is the accumulation of rights knowledge learned and stored over the years in the hearts and minds of the Cambodian people. The Cambodian people gave expression to this accumulated knowledge in this July 2013 elections.
8. The admixture of the above.
Each above-mentioned factor has its own importance, but is limited in pushing the point to tip. The tipping point occurs when these factors come together.
We are now experiencing the Cambodia Spring (preceded by discontent before flourishing) because of the admixture of the above factors.
Theary C Seng is the founding president of CIVICUS, the Center for Cambodian Civic Education.

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Time for a change: Chantelle Houghton ditches the blonde for a brunette style... as she admits she needs to 'rein in the treats'

By Emily Sheridan
PUBLISHED: , 13 August 2013

Since rising to fame in Celebrity Big Brother seven years ago, Chantelle Houghton has flitted between being a blonde and brunette.
And after three years as a blonde, the glamour model has decided to become a brunette again.
The single mother, 29, was spotted leaving a salon with hairdresser Shane O'Sullivan on Monday after having her hair dyed.

Going to the dark side: Chantelle Houghton shows off her new brunette locks as she leaves a hair salon on Monday

Time for a change: The 29-year-old had decided she didn't want to be a blonde (pictured right last week)

As well a change of colour, Chantelle also had new Easilocks hair extensions added to give her a long glossy mane.
Despite admitting she had gained a few pounds in recent months, Chantelle clearly has retained her body confidence as she stepped out in a floral mini dress.
Meanwhile, Chantelle admitted this week that she needs to 'rein it in a bit' after feasting on her favourite foods.

Embracing her curves: Chantelle insisted she wasn't bothered by her new size 14 frame

The man responsible... Chantelle chats to her hairdresser Shane O'Sullivan

Difference: Chantelle was previously a brunette in 2010

The model was spotted visiting a Nando's in Essex last week and admitted the chicken meal was just one of many takeaways she enjoyed.
She wrote in her new! magazine column: 'I've been on diets all my life and it's so boring. When I get a moment to myself, I just want to sit down and have a treat.
'I'll have to rein it in a bit though - the nice comments (about my weight) have made me eat more. I've had a Chinese meal, an Indian takeaway and a Nando's this week.'
Earlier this month, Chantelle admitted she had gone up two dress sizes and blamed her weight gain on her love of takeaways.
As a single mother to Dolly, from her 17 month romance with ex-fiance Alex Reid, Chantelle admits hitting the gym is the least of her priorities.
She said: 'I went to buy a new dress last week and was shocked to discover I'd gone from a size 10 to a size 14.
''I think most Mums will agree that it's a struggle to keep in shape when you've got a baby.'

How does it feel? Chantelle touches her new hairdo

Where's Dolly? Although Chantelle's daughter was nowhere to be seen, the tot's pushchair was in the car boot

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Joanna Krupa swaps her bikini for ethereal blue frock while promoting new Real Housewives season

By Daily Mail Reporter
PUBLISHED: , 13 August 2013

She has recently been seen frolicking in her bikini every chance she gets with new husband Roamin Zago.

But Joanna Krupa opted for a decidedly more elegant look for a television appearance on Tuesday. 

The 34-year-old dazzled in a midnight blue gown while promoting the new season of Real Housewives Of Miami on NBC's New York Live in Manhattan.

Real life Barbie doll: Joanna Krupa dazzled in a blue gown while promoting Real Housewives Of Miami at NBC's New York Live on Tuesday

The reality star looked gorgeous in the frock, which she paired with strappy white heels.

The brightly hued material perfectly complemented her Miami girl tan, enhancing her glow.

Joanna wore her blonde hair loose and straight over her shoulders and kept her makeup natural, opting for icy pink lips and subtle brown eyeshadow.

Ethereal beauty: The 34-year-old looked elegant in the asymmetrical frock, which she paired with strappy white heels and a beige handbag

Keeping it fresh: Joanna wore her blonde hair loose and straight over her shoulders and opted for icy pink lipstick and subtle brown eyeshadow 

Drama continues: Joanna is seen getting married in the new season of the popular reality show, but not without a few hitches along the way

Viewers will most likely get to see her and nightclub owner Romain's June nuptials in the current season, which premiered on Monday.

The couple exchanged vows in front of 150 guests at the exclusive Park Hyatt Aviara Resort in Carlsbad, California.

The model-turned-reality star's wedding gown featured a leg-baring high-low skirt with a train of cascading ruffles.

She's no shrinking violet: The model-turned-reality star's wedding gown featured a leg-baring high-low skirt with a train of cascading ruffles

Newlyweds: Joanna and husband Romain Zago exchanged vows in front of 150 guests at the exclusive Park Hyatt Aviara Resort in Carlsbad, California

In a preview for the new season of the show, Joanna is seen discussing a pre-nup with Romain, furiously suggesting he is already preparing for divorce.

The new season will also feature her costar Adriana De Moura's wedding, and both women slip into full bridezilla mode and argue over competing guest lists, bridal parties and bachelorette festivities

Joanna meanwhile has other things cooking in the fire including a new DVD workout series with fitness expert Philip Gray due for release this autumn.

Feels most at home: Joanna is often snapped wearing a skimpy bikini, pictured in Miami

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Earplugs, a good book and even a nap: How doting dads playing chaperone at a One Direction concert survived a night among screaming teens

By Daily Mail Reporter

These guys obviously aren't your average One Direction fans.

Vice West Coast editor Jamie Taete photographed bored and bewildered dads reading, checking emails and even falling asleep in their seats at the boy band's Staples Center show in Los Angeles.  

The expressions on the older mens' faces ranged from blank stares to annoyance and total confusion,The Daily Beast reports.

Falling asleep: Vice photo editor Jamie Taete took pictures of bewildered fathers at a recent One Direction concert in Los Angeles

The chaperones looked especially out of place next to the tween audience, who were getting worked up into a hysterical frenzy over the boy band's performance.
Heartthrobs Niall Horan, Zayn Malik, Liam Payne, Harry Styles, and Louis Tomlinson rose to fame after competing on the UK reality competition show The X Factor.
Since then the band has sold more than 19 million singles and 10 million albums.

 

One Direction's fans are famously devoted to the boy band. They declare Twitter fatwas against those they perceive as having wronged their icons, and fill arenas around the world to hear them perform.
Many of the dads were wearing earpieces, which makes sense as decibel levels at a One Direction concert have reportedly gone as high as 122 – considerably more than the maximum safe level of 85.
‘The capacity crowd’s screaming spiked to surreal volumes,' the Washington Post wrote after a recent show where the sound was measured.
'That's louder than the roar at Verizon Center after a Caps goal, louder than a heavy-metal concert, louder than an ambulance driving past a lawn mower in a thunderstorm.’

Open book: This gentleman sat down to read among thousands of screaming fans

Out of place: It was easy to spot the parents who were wearing earpieces and checking work emails

Nodding off: This-tired looking man appears to be falling asleep during the show

Fanatical followers: One Direction's fans are incredibly devoted to the boy band

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